Inaugural  addre 
Conf  Pam  #475 

DTTDfilDflb+ 


INAUGURAL    ADDRESS 


OP 


GOY.  THOMAS  H.  WATTS 


BEFORE   THE 


ALABAMA  LfiGBLATURE, 


DECEMBER  1ST,  1863. 


MONfGOMERY,  ALA.: 

♦  KONTGOMKST  ADYKRTISER  BOOK  ATHO  JOB  OFFICB. 

1863. 


Tr'P 


INAUGURAL   ADDRESS. 


Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and 

House  of  Mfpresfniaikes : 

Called  by  the  voice  of  the  people  of  Alabama,  without 
solicitation  from  me,  to  preside  over  the  destiny  of  the 
State,  for  the  next  tv.o  yenr$,  I  cannot  feel  otherwise  than 
grateful  torthis  generous  manilestation  of  confidence  and 
esteem.  In  a  time  of  profound  peace,  such  an  honor 
might  well  be  deemed  the  lit  reward  of  a  lifetime  of  pub- 
lic service.  But  conferred  when  the  duties  of  the  office 
have  been  increased  a  hundred  fold  by  the  multiplied 
business  created  by  the  greatest  war  of  modern  times; 
when  the  clangor  of  war  is  liearil  all  around  us,  atid  the 
sighs  for  our  fallen  brave  till  every  passing  breeze,  I 
scarcely  know  whether  thanks  are  due  for  the  grave  res- 
ponsibilities with  which  this  election  clothes  me.  I  feel 
that  r  shall  have  need  of  the  constant  support  and  hearty 
sympathies  of  an  indulgent  people,  and  I  pray  God  to 
give  me  such  strength  and  wisdom  as  will  enable  me  so 
to  conduct  our  atiairs,  that  I'o  detriment  shall  accrue  to 
the  people  of  Alabama,  and  no  stain  shall  mar  the  beauty 
of  her  honored  name.  Multiplied,  grave  and  onerous  as 
the  duties  of  the  office  may  now  be,  still  I  cannot  deny, 
whilst  entering  on  the  discharge  of  its  high  functions,  I 
feel  some  such  pride  and  pleasure  as  a  dutiful  son  must 
feel  when  obeying  the  will  of  a  noble  mother. 

Qcotleraen:  On  the   11th  day  of  January,   1861.   the 
sovereign  people  of  Alabama,  through  their  delegates  in  ■ 


Convention  assembled,  declared  by  solemn  ordinance, 
that  the  bonds  wiiicb  bound  her  to  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  were  severed.  In  thus  deliberately 
acting,  the  people  of  Alabama  only  exercised  a  right  be- 
longing to  every  free  people.  In  the  days  of  1776,  our 
forefathers  declared  that  to  secure  life,  liberty  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  "Governments  are  instituted  among 
men,  deriving  their  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned; a»d  that  whenever  any  form  of  government  be- 
comes destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the 
people  to  altar  or  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new  govern- 
ment, laying  its  foundations  on  such  principles,  and 
organizing  its  powers  iu  such  form  as  to  them  shall  seem 
raost  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness."  After 
a  war  of  seven  years,  checkered  with  various  defeats  and 
victories,  our  revolutionary  sires  achieved  a  crowning 
triumph,  and  wrung  from  the  grasp  of  British  tyranny 
their  liberties  and  independence.  The  reluctant  consent 
of  Great  Britain  was  given  to  the  great  principles  of 
freedom  for  which  they  contended.  In  the  treaty  of 
peace  which  closed  tins  revolutionary  struggle,  the  old 
thirteen  States,  naming  tliem  separately  and  distinctly, 
were  acknowledged  by  Great  Britain  lo  be  "/rcc,  sovereign 
and  independent  States."  France  was  a  party  to  this 
treaty;  having  given  of  her  blood  and  treasure  to  accom- 
plish this  grand  result.  The  articles  of  Confederation 
formed  and  adopted  during  the  progress  of  the  war  by 
the  several  States,  then  united  in  a  common  cause,  de- 
clared '-that  each  State  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom 
and  independence,  and  every  power,  jurisdiction  and 
right,  which  is  not  by  this  Confederation  expressly  dele- 
gated  to  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled." 
These  articles  likewise  declared  that  they  were  formed 
for  a  confederation  and  perpetual  Utsion  between  the  States 
agreeing  to  them. 

After  the  pressure  of  this  war  was  over,  and  when  the 
recollection  of  common   danojors  and   ditficulties  became 


less  vivid,  a  new  Constitution,  that  of  1787,  was  fonned 
by  the  States  then  composing  the  Union,  ami  after  being 
thus  formerj,  was  eubmitted  separately  to  a  Convention  vf 
delegates  chosen  by  each  State,  for  its  free  acceptance  or 
rejection.     This  Constitution  was  to  be  binding  only  l.e- 
tween  those  States  ratifying  the  same.     Each  one  of  the 
States,  at  difterent  times,  some  promptly,  some  with  lin- 
gering reluctance,  separately  and  independently  of  each 
other,  withdrew  froni  the  articles  of  Confederation,  nnd 
thus  formed  a  new  Government   under  the  Constitution 
of  the,  United  States.     The  sovereign   people  of  each 
State,  through  their  own  delegates  in  Convention  assem- 
bled, adopted   this  Constitution  to  govern   them  in  their 
intercourse  and   relations  with   foreign    nations,   and  in 
their  relations  and    intercourse   with   each   other.     The 
same  sovereign   people  in  each  State  who  adopted  State 
Constitutions,  and  who,  throughout  our  political  history 
as  the   United   States,  made,   altered,  or  iibolished  their 
State  Constitutions,  ratified  and  adopted  as  their  federal 
Constitution,  the  Constitution  of  1787.     In  this  Coiistl- 
tution,  the  right  of  the  sovereign  people  of  eticli  State  tr» 
alter  or  abolish   their  Government  and  to  establish   new 
governments  for  their  safely  and  happim  ss,  is  not  surren- 
dered;   neither  is  it  prohibited.     The  Constitution   ex- 
pressly provides   that  "the  enumeration  in  the  Constitu- 
tion of  certain  rights  shall  not  be  construed  to  deny  or 
disparage  others^ retained  by  the  people."     "The  powers 
not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitutioi), 
nor  prohibited   by  it  to  the  States,   are  reserved  to  the 
States  respectively,  or  to  the  people." 

This  Constitution  provides  for  the  admission  of  new 
States.  Un  ler  its  provisions,  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  on  the  2d  day  of  March,  1819,  authorized  the  peo- 
ple of  Alabama  Territory  "to  form  for  themselves  a  Con- 
stitution and  State  Government,  and  when  formed  into  a 
State,  shall  be  admitted  into  the  Union  upon  the  sat;  e 
footing  with  the  origirwl  States,  in  all  respects  whatso- 


ever."  In  accordance  ^ith  this  act  of  Contrresg,  the 
people  of  Alabam.'i,  through  their  delegates  in  Conven- 
tion assembled,  made  their  State  Constitution  and  State 
Government,  and  ended  their  work  on  the  2d  of  August, 
1819.  On  this  day— the  2d  day  of  August,  1819— our 
forefathers  in  Alabama,  through  their  delegates  in  Con- 
gress assembled,  declared,  as  a  part  of  their  fundamental 
and  organic  law,  that  "all  political  power  is  inherent  in 
the  people,  and  all  free  governments  are  founded  on  their 
authority  and  instituted  for  their  benefit,  and  therelbre 
they  have,  at  all  times,  an  inalienable  and  indefeasible 
right  to  alter,  reform,  or  abolish  their  form  of  Govern- 
meut  in  such  manner  as  they  may  think  expedient." 
With  this  declaration  contained  in  the  Constitution  of 
Alabamu,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  the  14tb 
day  of  December,  1819,  declared  the  State  of  Alabama 
to  be  one  of  the  United  States  of  America,  admittins: 
her  by  express  terms  into  the  Union  "on  an  equal  toot- 
ing with  the  original  States,  in  all  respects  whatsoever." 
Whatever  right  Virginia,  or  any  other  ^tate  of  the  ori- 
ginal thirteen,  possessed,  Alabama  possessed.  Virginia, 
in  the  ordinance  ratifying  and  adopting  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  expressly  reserved  her  right  to  with- 
draw the  powers  delegated,  whenever,  in  her  judgment 
the  safety  and  happiness  of  her  people  demanded  it.- 
When  the  people  of  Alabama,  through  their  delegates  in 
Convention  assembled,  on  the  11th  of  January,  1861,  de- 
clared their  withdrawal  from  the  United  States,  they  were 
only  exercising  a  right  which  the  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence declared,  belonged  to  every  free  people — a  right 
not  denied  or  prohibited  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States ;  a  right  exercised  by  every  State  when  the  Con- 
stitution of  1787  was  formed  and  adopted — an  inaliena- 
ble and  indefeasible  right  to  alter,  reform  or  abolish  their 
form  o  Government,  which  Alabama's  bill  of  rights  de- 
clared m  ght  be  done  'Sa  all  times" — aright  vital  to 
freemen — dangerous  onlv  to  tyrants. 


The  sovereigQ  people  of  Alabama,  through  their  dele- 
gates in  Convention  assembled,  in  1861,  only  repealed  an 
ordinance  which  the  same  sovereign  people,  through 
their  delegates  in  Convention  assembled,  ordained  m 
1819.  The  simple  ordinance  of  secession  declared  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  no  longer  binding  on 
the  people  of  Alabama ;  and  that  they  were  free  to  form 
and  adopt  a  new  Constitution  to  govern  them  in  their  re- 
lations to  other  States,  and  with  foreign  powers.  The 
State  Government — the  people  of  Alabama,  remained  the. 
same,  their  relations  to  other  States  alone  were  changed. 

In  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  her  judgment,  Ala- 
>jl>ama  and  other  Statts,  now  known  as  the  Confederate 
States  of  America,  formed  a  new  Constitution  and  a  new 
Government,  based  on  the  principles  of  the  old  one^ 
amending  the  Constitution  so  as  to  leave  no  room  for 
doubtful  construction  on  disputed  points. 

Because  of  the  exercise  of  this  right — a  right  lying  at 
the  foundation  of  all  free  government,  and  the  ^corner 
stone  of  every  republican  system  of  government,  the 
>rorthern  States,  now  calling  themselves  the  United 
.States,  made  war  on  the  Confederate  States.  The  author- 
ities of  these  Northern  States  by  their  declarations  and 
their  conduct  thus  deny  the  right  of  free  government — 
den}'  that  all  governments  derive  their  powers  from  the 
'onseut  of  the.  governed — deny  the  doctrines  of  the  De- 
^.'laration  of  Independence,  and  the  principles  of  the 
fathers  of  the  Republic,  and  assert  and  attempt  to  exer- 
cise the  doctrines  of  force.  They  deny  to  the  people  of 
Alabama  the  right  of  self  government,  and  declare  the 
monstrous  pharisaic  dogma,  that  they  have  the  right  to 
-'oerce  us  to  be  subservient  to  their  will!  that  they  are  our 
superiors^  our  masters!  and  we,  their  inferiors!  their 
slaves! 

Freemen  of  Alabama!  If  you  had  submitted  to  such 
monstrous  pretensions,  you  would  have  been  unworthy 
the  heritage  of  freedom  your  patriot  fathers  left  you ! 


8 

You  would  have  been  unworthy  the  sires  from  whence 
jou  sprung!  you  would  have  been  unworthy  the  name  of 
freemen!  You  would  have  been  base  cowards,  slaves  in- 
deed! fit  for  Yankee  masters! 

When  the  Constitution  of  1787  was  adopted,  the 
Northern  States  had  little  more  of  population  than  the 
Southern  States.  Even  under  the  census  of  1790,  the 
political  power  of  the  North,  as  reflected  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  Congress,  only  exceeded  that  of  the 
South  by  jive  raajoricy.  The  North  was  cold  in  climate, 
with  comparatively  rugged  and  barren  soil.  The  South 
was  blessed  with  a  mild  and  generous,  and  healthful  cli- 
mate, and  with  a  soil  of  unsurpassed  fertility.  The  Soutlv 
had  more  commerce,  more  wealth,  and  all  the  prospects, 
as  far  as  natural  advantages  indicated,  of  a  far  more 
rapidly  increasing  population.  Yet,  in  the  progress  of 
our  history,  through  means  of  various  acts  of  congres- 
sional legislation,  (unnecessary  here  to  mention,)  large 
portions  of  Southern  territory  were  devoted  to  Northern 
aggrandizement,  the  population  of  the  North  was  greatly 
augmented  beyond  the  natural  increase;  the  bulk  of  the 
commerce  and  capital  of  the  country  was  concentrated 
there.  The  rich  South  was  despoiled  of  her  wealth  and 
commerce,  and  had  become  for  years  little  more  than 
tributary  to  the  swelling  magnitude  of  Northern  com- 
merce and  power.  In  proportion  to  the  increased  com- 
merce, augmented  population  and  concentrated  capital, 
the  political  power  of  the  North  was  increased.  So  that 
under  the  census  of  1850 — little  more  than  half  a  century 
after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  1787 — the  po- 
litical power  of  the  North,  as  reflected  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  had  increased  from  five  to  fifty-five  ma- 
jority. With  this  increasing  political  power  came  con- 
stant turmoil  and  aggressions  on  the  rights  of  the  South. 
The  most  solemn  constitutional  guaranties  were  trifled 
with  or  wantonly  disregarded  by  the  States  and  people  of 
the  North. 


Almost  from  the  foundation  of  the  government  under 
the  Constitution  of  1787,  the  North  and  the  South  dif- 
fered— widely  differed — as  to  the  character  of  the  govern- 
ment and  the  construction  of  the  Constitution.  The 
North  always  contended  for  a  latitudinous,  the  South  for 
a  strict  construction  of  the  Constitution.  There  was 
manifested  in  the  North  a  constant  and  persistent  ten- 
dency to  regard  the  people  of  the  United  States  as  o?ie 
nation.  The  South  more  truly  maintained  that  in  no 
sense  could  the  United  Statesbe  considered  as  one  nation 
except  in  the  relations  they  bore  to  other  governmeiite 
and  nations;  that  the  true  character  of  the  government 
was  that  of  a  federal  republic  having  for  its  basis  a  con- 
federation of  separate  and  sovereign  States.  The  whole 
framework  of  the  Constitution  and  the  history  of  its 
adoption  proved  the  Southern  view  to  have  been  the  cor- 
rect one.  Instead  of  being  a  government  controlled  bv  a 
mere  numerical  majority  as  contended  by  the  statesmen 
of  the  North,  it  waa  intended  by  its  framers  to  be  con- 
trolled and  governed  by  concurrent  majorities  of  States, 
and  the  people  of  the  States  as  represented  in  the  Iluuse 
of  Representatives.  The  States  in  their  separate  sover- 
eign character  adopted  the  Constitution.  In  was  binding 
on  none  until  accepted  by  the  free  consent  and  ratifien- 
«,  tion  of  its  people.  No  act  could  ever  become  a  law  by 
the  simple  majority  of  the  people  as  represented  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  The  Senators,  the  Represen- 
tatives of  the  States — the  larger  and  smaller  being  equal 
in  power — must  first  concur.  And  yet  still,  the  Presi- 
dent, who,  when  elected  by  electors,  was  the  double  rep- 
resentative of  the  States,  and  the  people  of  the  States, 
and  when  elected  by  Congress,  the  Representative  of  the 
States,  must  give  his  sanction,  before  any  measure  could 
become  a  law,  unless  passed  by  a  constitutional  majority 
over  his  negative.  So  long  as  the  South  had  equality 
with  the  North  in  the  Senate,  the  South  had  some  guar- 
anty that  her  rights  would  be  protected.     But  when  the 


10 

progress  of  events  destroyed  this  equality,  the  rigliU  of 
the  South,  as  recent  events  clearly  prove,  were  no  longer 
safe  in  the  Union.  When  the  North  obtained  a  majority 
of  the  States,  and  a  niajority  of  the  people  of  the  States, 
the  greed  of  sectional  dominion  with  insane  furor  seized 
the  public  mind,  and  not  heeding  even  the  warnings  of 
her  own  patriotic  sons,  disregarding  the  protests  of  the 
minority  South,  the  North  undertook  to  select  the  Presi- 
dent and  Vice  President  from  her  own  borders,  and  by 
purely  a  sectional  majority^oinstal  the  wildest  fanaticism 
in  a  chair  once  honored  by  Washington.  So  that  in 
truth  and  in  fact,  whatever  may  have  been  the  theory,  the 
North,  baviug  a  majority  of  States,  a  majority  of  th« 
people — majority  in  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
— and  a  President^  and  Vice  President  selected  from  the 
North  by  a  purely  sectional  vote,  thus  ignoring  the  South 
in  the  administration  of  federal  affairs,  the  government 
became  practically  one,  governed  by  the  will  of  a  mere 
numerical  mojoriiy!  In  all  ages  -such  a  government  has 
been  a  despotism ! 

For  years  the  South  watched  with  intense  interest  the 
rapid  progress  of  events;  the  increasing  fanaticism  of  the 
North,  threatening  destruction  to  the  landmarks  of  the 
Constitution  of  our  forefatheas,  and  endangering  the 
great  interests  and  liberties  of  the  South.  In  various 
ways  and  at  repeated  times,  the  Southern  people  evinced 
their  apprehensions  for  their  future  peace  and  happiness. 
The  two  great  parties  in  'the  slaveholding  States  each 
adopted  resolutions,  as  portions  of  their  party  creed,  de- 
nouncing the  election,  by  the  North,  of  a  Black  Republi- 
can Presijient  on  a  platform  avowing  the  destructive  dog- 
mas of  that  party,  and  they  declared  their  firm  purpose, 
in  the  event  of  such  election,  to  sever  every  tie  which 
bound  them  to  the  Union.  In  Alabama,  this  was  done 
as  early  as  1866.  In  1859,  '60,  the  Legislature  of  Ala- 
bama, by  a  vote  unanimous,  save  two  dissenting  voices, 
passed  resolutions  authorizing  and  requiring  tlie  Gover- 


11 

nor  of  the  State,  iu  such  event,  to  call  a  conveution  of 
the  people  of  the  State  "to  consider,  determine  and  do 
whatever,  in  the  opinion  of  said  convention,  the  rights, 
interests,  and  honor  of  the  State  of  Alabama  require  to 
be  done  for  their  protection."  The  people  of  the  South 
made  all  honorable  efforts  to  avoid  the  necessity  which 
such  an  event  would  produce.  By  conventioBS  and  legis- 
latures solemn  warning  was  given  to  the  people  of  the 
North  of  the  fixed  determination  of  the  South  on  this 
subject.  But  the  North,  disregarding  the  time-honored 
principles  of  the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  turning  a  deaf 
ear  to  the  voice  of  Southern  patriotism,  forgetful  of  the 
ties  which  bind  freemen  to  principle,  ignoring  the  hal- 
lowed associations  of  our  revolutionary  history,  mad  with 
fanaticism,  and  filled  with  the  boastful  pride  of  numerical 
strength,  rushed  headlong  in  the  wild  career  of  sectional 
domination. 

When  the  Convention  of  Alabama  met  on  the  7th  day 
of  January,  1861,  the  members  were  united  in  heart. 
The  unanimous  declaration  on  the  first  day  of  the  Con- 
vention, "that  the  people  of  Alabama  will  not  submit  to 
bo  parties  to  the  inauguration  and  administration  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  as  President,  and  Hannibal  Ilamlin  as 
Vice  President  of  the  United  States  of  America,"  de- 
monstrated a  fixed  and  united  purpose.  The  co-opera- 
tionists  and  separate  secessionists  were  equally  intent  for 
resistance,  equally  honest,  equally  patriotic;  and  they 
only  diftered  intellectually  as  to  the  best  and  safest  mode 
of  making  that  resistance  cfiTectual  and  permanent.  And 
when  the  first  tocsin  of  war  was  sounded,  co-operationists 
and -secessionists  marched  shoulder  to  shoulder,  heart  to 
heart,  hand  in  hand  to  the  arbitrament  of  battle.  From 
the  Gulf  to  our  northern  border;  from  the  mountains, 
valleys  and  plains;  from  the  east  and  from  the  west,  the 
stalwart  sons  of  Alabama  rushed  to  the  standard  of  the 
newborn  republic.  And  with  dauntless  bravery  and  he- 
roism, they  have  crimsoned  with  their  blood  every  battle 


12 

field  from  Manassas  to  Cluckamauga.  An  imperishable 
monument  ol  glorious  renown  has  been  erected  for  the 
State!  The  name  ^' Alabamian"  has  become  immortal  in 
history! 

In  the  commencement  of  the  war,  Lincoln  and  his  fol- 
lowers declared  their  purpose  as  simply  to  repossess  the 
forts  and  arsenals,  the  public  property;  and  to  suppress 
the  rebellion.  It  was  supposed  by  the  North  that  the 
large  mass  of  the  people  in  the  South  were  willing  to 
submit  to  Black  Republican  rule — and  that  it  only  needed 
an  opportunity  to  rally  around  the  flag  which  was  once 
the  proud  ensign  of  a  united  people.  These  flattering 
anticipations  were  soon  dissipated.  Scventy-fi.ve  thou- 
sand men  were  deemed  by  them  quite  sufiicient  to  crush 
in  ninety  days  the  power  of  the  Confederate  States.  The 
flying  hosts  of  Lincoln  at  Bethel  and  Manassas  showed 
the  prowess  of  Southern  arms  and  the  folly  of  Northern 
calculations.  The  banner,  once  loved  and  honored  by 
Southern  people,  became  the  object  of  loathing  and  dis- 
gust, and  the  hated  emblem  of  oppression  andtyranny. 

Then  three  hu|dred  thousand  additional  men  were 
called  for  by  Lincoln  ;  and  the  South,  by  the  power  of 
uumbers,  was  to  be  coerced  into  further  athliation  with  the 
North  !  The  Confederate  States  were  to  be  forced  back 
into  a  Union  whose  first  principle  was  free  consent  It 
was  vainly  imagined  by  the  wisemen  of  the  North  that 
the  eighteen  millions  of  Northern  whites  could  and  would 
very  soon  crush  to  powder  the  eight  millions  of  Southern 
white  people;  especially  as  in  their  vain  imaginings  they 
supposed  the  four  millions  of  blacks  were  here  amongst 
us  ready  to  burst  the  bonds  which  bound  them  to  us. 
But  these  men,  wise  in  their  own  conceit,  forgot  that 
"  the  battle  is  not  always  to  the  strong,  nor  the  race  to 
the  swift."  They  forgot  that  there  was  a  God  ol  justice, 
the  ruler  of  men  and  nations. 

In  numerical  strength,  and  in  all  the  appliances  of  war, 
the  North  certainly  had  greatly  the  advantage  of  us.    The 


13 

North  had  the  regular  army,  the  navy,  the  commercial 
marine,  manufactories  of  arms,  and  of  all  the  muuitiona 
of  war.  The  South  had  no  regular  army,  no  navy,  no 
commercial  marine,  no  manufactories  of  arms  or  powder!  " 
Very  soon  all  our  ports  were  blockaded,  and  being  thus 
cut  ofi'  from  the  outside  world,  we  were  left  to  our  own 
resources,  our  own  stronsj  arms  and  stout  hearts.  By  the 
blessing  of  God,  these  have  availed  us  thus  far  to  main- 
tain our  cause.  We  have,  as  it  were,  improvised  armies, 
arms  and  munitions,  of  which  Napoleon,  in  his  palmiest 
days,  might  have  been  justl}'  proud.  Aye,  more!  by  the 
energy  and  wisdom  displayed,  by  the  brilliant  achieve- 
ments of  our  arms  on  a  hundred  fields,  by  the  high  regard 
we  have  paid  to  civilized  usage,  by  the  christian  mag- 
nanimity we  have  shown  to  our  enemies,  we,  but  yester- 
day unknown,  to-day  have  drawn  from  reluctant  lip«  not 
only  praise,  but  the  admiration  of  all  enlightened  nations. 

The  series  of  brilliant  triumphs,  achieved  over  the 
North  in  18H2,  caused  the  President  of  the  North  to  an- 
nounce a  different  policy.  With  all  the  efforts  of  the 
people  of  the  North,  aided  by  every  foreigner  who  could 
be  bought  with  money  or  seduced  by  promises  of  booty, 
with  the  ports  of  every  nation  open  to  his  commerce  and 
Ills  necessities,  Lincoln  was  forced  to  admit  that  the  eigh- 
teen millions  of  Northern  whites  could  not  coerce  the 
South  back  into  the  Union.  A  new  discovery  in  Black  . 
Republican  philosophy  was  made.  It  was  proved  by  nu- 
merous experiments  in  the  great  crucible  of  practice  that, 
the  slave  population,  instead  of  being  a  grand  volcano, 
threatening  destruction  and  death  to  the  cause  of  South- 
ern Independence,  was  a  great  element  of  Southern 
power. 

Lincoln,  without  the  authority  of  his  Congresa  or  Con- 
stitution, in  the  fall  of  1862,  proclaimed  his  intention  to 
declare  free,  every  slave  of  the  South,  unless  by  the  Ist 
of  January,  1863,  we  should  lay  down  our  arms  and  with 
crossed  hands  repentantly  submit  to  his  dominion.     The 


South  scorned  alike  is  threats  and  his  promises!  His 
threatened  proclamation  in  due  time  made  its  appear- 
ance. It  was  as  impotent  as  it  was  unconstitutional.  It 
was  mere  brutum  fulmen  so  fur  as  it  efiects  the  institution 
of  slavery.  But  it  deserves  to  be  considered  by  our  peo- 
ple as  showing  the  temper  of  the  ISTorthern  mind.  In  the 
first  place,  it  is  a  hurailiatin  confession  of  Yankee  weak- 
ness. It  is  a  confession  that  the  eighteen  millions  of 
Northern  whites,  strengthened  by  all  the  foreign  aid  they 
could  get,  were  unable  to  coerce  the  Southern  States 
back  into  the  Union.  In  the  next  place  it  shows  an  utter 
disregard  of  Censtitutional  obligations,  a  palpable  viola- 
tion of  that  Constitution  once  revered  by  our  fathers  and 
by  us.  In  the  third  place,  it  shows  an  utter  disregard  of 
the  principles  of  international  law  settled  for  ages,  by 
publicists,  and  recognized  as  binding  by  Kent,  Wheaton, 
Gardner  and  Adams!  It  Ih,  in  the  fourth  place,  a  delib- 
erate attempt  to  excite  our  slaves  to  insurrection  t  is 
an  invitation,  yea,  an  urgent  solicitation,  to  an  ignorant 
race,  recognized  as  our  property  by  the  Constitution  Lin- 
coln has  sworti  to  support,  to  commit  murder,  rapine, 
rape,  arson,  and  all  manner  of  diabolical  deeds.  An  invi- 
tation to  have  our  homes  and  our  firesides  deluged  with 
the  blood  of  our  wives  and  our  children  It  is  the  ex- 
pression of  fiendish  wish  to  see  a  whole  country  deluged 
in  innocent  blood,  and  to  hear  the  mingled  lamentations  of 
a  whole  people,  and  to  see  the  "blackness  of  darkness" 
.like  a  funeral  pall,  overspread  orever  the  glories  of  our 
sunny  land! 

This  proclamation  was  the  first  authoritative  announce- 
ment that  this  war  was  no  longer  waged  for  a  restoration 
of  the  Union.  Reconstruction  of  the  Union  is  no  longer 
desirable,  no  longer  practical,  even  with  Lincoln  !  It  has 
been  recently  announced  by  Lincoln's  Solicitor  of  the 
Treasury — it  is  proclaimed  by  his  generals  in  the  field, 
approved  and  applauded  by  a  sycophant  press  and  people, 
that  the  purpose  of  the  North  now  is,  to  subjugate  the 


15 

freemen  of  the  South,  to  confiEcate  all  their  property  and 
deprive  them  of  all  that  freemen  hold  dear  !     State  lines 
and  all  State  rights  are  to  he  abolished.     The  right  to 
have  Legislatures,  Governors,  Judges  of  our  own  choos- 
ing, juries  from  amougat  us,  the  right  to  vote  even,  every 
civil  aud  political  right  is  to  be  denied  to  the  subjugated 
South!     Some  Butler,  ot  some  black  satrap  of  Lincoln's 
creation,  would,  in  such  an  event,  be  the  Governor  of 
Alabama,  with  a  standing  army  of  blacks  to  ravage  our 
country,  outrage  our  women,  and  hold  freemen  in  bondage! 
As  if  God  had  given  such  a  people  over  to  the  repro- 
bation of  the  devil,  during  the  progress  of  this  war,  the 
people  of  the  North  seem  to  have  lost  every  principle  of 
morals,  law  and  religion  which  adorn  a  civilized  people  ! 
Li   attempting  to  deprive  us  of  our  liberties,   they  have 
lost  their  own !     Every  principle  of  constitutional  liberty 
amongst  them  has  been  destroyed.     The  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  the  great  writ  ol  liberty,  wrung  from  tyrant  hands 
ages  ago  by  our  British  ancestors,  has  been  suspended  by 
the  simple  will  of  Lincoln.     The   reedora  of  the  press — 
of  speech,  the  right  of  petition,   trial  by  jury,  have  all 
been  trampled  under  foot.     The  monstrous  dogma  has 
been  proclaimed  in  high  places  that  in  time  of  war,  the 
Constitution,  its  guarantees  and  prohibitions,  are  all  sus- 
pended, and  that  all  power  to  do  or  not  to  do,  is  concen- 
trated by  political  necessity  in  the  unrestrained  hands  of 
a  single  man!     On  their  part,  in  the  conduct  of  the  war, 
every  principle  of  civilized  usage  has  been  set  at  naught ; 
obligations  and  stipulations,  always  heretofore  held  sacred 
even  by  savage  nations,  have  been  violated  when   conve- 
nience and  present  policy  interfered  with  their  fulfilment. 
In  such  portions  of  our  country  as  the  fortunes  of  war 
have  enabled  them  to  possess,  private  property,  heretofore 
respected  by  the  usage  of  all  modern  nations,  has  either 
been   dishonestly   appropriated   or  wantonly   destroyed. 
Works  of  art  and  ornament,  the  proudest  achievements 
of  genius,  the  keep-sakes  and   mementoes  of  departed 


16 

friends,  have  been  filched  from  the  places  they  graced, 
and  carried  North  to  beautify  some  Yankee  general's 
parlor,  made  luxuriant  by  the  spoils  from  Southern  house- 
holds. The  graves  of  our  honored  dead,  the  houses  where 
christians  worship  God,  have  been  basely  desecrated, 
(despoiled  of  the  emblems  which  love  had  consecrated  to 
honor,)  polluted  and  destroyed  by  these  Northern  Goths 
and  Vandals  !  It  almost  seems  that  such  a  people  have 
always  been  strangers  to  us  1  Is  it  possible  that  we  could 
everagain  dwell  in  political  Union  with  such  a  people?  It 
is  almost  an  insult  to  ask  a  Southern  man  such  a  question. 

B}'  the  graves  of  our  fallen  sons,  around  our  desolated 
altars,  in  view  of  our  devastated  fields  and  blazing  homes 
and  cities,  in  view  of  our  banners  red  all  over  with  South- 
ern blood,  let  us  renew  our  faith  to  the  Southern  cause, 
and  let  us  swear  before  high  heaven,  whatever  else  may 
•be  our  fate,  we  will  never  have  political  connection  with 
such  a  God  cursed  race! 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  differences  of  opinion 
amongst  onr  people  as  to  the  propriety  of  dissolving  the 
CTnion  in  1861,  there  cannot  now  oe  any  difference  as  to 
our  duties  to  our  State  and  country.  Our  property,  our 
homes,  our  wives  and  our  children,  our  lives,  our  liberties 
and  our  honor — everything  we  hold  dear  on  earth — are 
dependent  upon  the  triumph  of  Southern  arms.  Should 
we  be  conquered,  everything  worth  living  for  will  be 
gone.  Our  political  salvation  now  depends  on  our  own 
resources,  our  own  energies,  bravery  and  fortitude.  With 
the  continued  favor  of  Providence,  and  with  hearty  co- 
operation amongst  ourselves,  we  shall  bo  equal  to  the 
task  before  us.  Every  motive  which  can  urge  a  freeman 
to  noble  deeds  and  lofty  daring  prompts  to  action  now. 
Death  will  be  a  heavenly  boon  compared  to  the  miseries 
of  Yankee  rule.  If  the  proud  Roman  could  sing,  in  the 
acme  of  Roman  power,  dulce  est  pro  patria  mori — tis  sweet 
for  one's  country  to  die — can  we  not  prove  by  our  actions 
'tis  glorious  to  die  for  our  native  land  ? 


17 

It  our  people  will  only  be  true  to  themselves,  true  to 
their  homes  and  their  firesides,  and  true  to  their  God,  onr 
libertiea  are  safe  and  our  triumph  is  sure.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war,  we  had  only  undisciplined  citizen  sol- 
diers, tew  guns,  no  heavy  artillery,  little  powder  and 
other  munitions  or  appliances  for  warlike  defense.  After 
near  three  years  of  war,  we  have  larger  armies  to-doy 
than  we  have  ever  had;  we  have  more  arms,  munitions 
and  equipments  of  war  than  weTiave  ever  had.  We  have 
manufactories  of  arras  and  powder  sufficient  to  arm  our 
whole  people.  We  have  a  growing  navy.  Already  the 
few  cruisers  we  have  put  aHoat  have  driven  the  bulk  of 
Yankee  commerce  from  the  ocean,  or  compelled  theif 
vessels  to  seek  shelter  under  the  flags  of  foreign  nations. 
We  have  fought  more  battles  than  Alexander,  Ctesar  or 
llTapoleon  ever  fought.  In  nearly  all  we  have  been  the 
victors.  In  not  one,  where  there  has  been  anything  like 
equality  in  numbers,  have  we  ever  failed  to  triumph  over 
the  foe.  In  all  the  great  battles  we  have  been  greatly 
inferior  in  numbers  to  our  enemy.  To-day  we  are  more 
nearly  equal  to  our  enemy  in  numbers  than  we  have  ever 
been.  If  all  our  men  naw  enrolled  were  at  their  posts  of 
duty,  our  armies  in  the  field  would  quite  equal  those  of 
the  enemy.  It  is  true  we  have  met  with  some  serious 
reverses.  But  in  the  Provifdence  of  God  our  reverses 
have  availed  the  enemy  little  advantage.  Our  reverse 
ahd  sufferings  have  never  half  equalled  those  of  our 
fathers  of  1776,  and  yet  they,  three  millions  in  number, 
triumphed  over  all  the  power  of  Great  Britain. 

The  "Old  Dominion,"  whose  soil  has  been  truly  "the 
dark  and  bloody  ground"  of  this  war,  stands  yet  erect, 
and  proudly  boasts  sic  semper  tyrannis.  McDowell,  Mc- 
Clellan,  Pope,  Burnside,  Hooker,  Meade,  each  with  an 
army  the  ''best  the  world  ever  saw,"  with  boastful  pride 
and  banners  gleaming,  has  essayed  to  find  a  road  to  Rich- 
mond. Each  has  been  signally  foiled  in  all  attempts  on 
2 


4fe 


18 

the  capital  of  Virginia,  and  of  the  Confederacy^  bj  the 
Beauregarda,  Jolinstons,  Lees,  Jacksous  and  Longstreets 
of  the  South.  While  Virginia  stands  as  an  adamantine 
wall  against  the  onward  march  of  Lincoln's  columns, 
never  I«t  the  voice  of  despondency  be  uttered  from  our 
lips,  or  find  a  lodgment  in  our  hearts. 

Charleston,  after  one  hundred  and  forty  days'  bombard- 
ment, from  navy  and  land  batteries  combined,  controlled 
and  directed  by  all  the  science  of  Yankee  ingenuity,  still 
stands  with  her  colors  proudly  and  defiantly  floating. 
The  names  of  Sumter  and  Moultrie  have  had  the  glories 
ol  1863  added  to  the  renowned  memories  of  Revolution- 
ary times. 

Whilst  Alabama  mourns  thousands  of  her  noblest  men, 
Ler  Jones's,  Martin,  Lomax,  Moore,  Hale,  Baine,  Wood- 
ward, Pegues,  Pelhara,  Tracey,  Garrott,  Webb,- Deshler, 
and  other  fallen  braves,  have  erected  along  the  mountain 
cliffs  of  fame,  the  beacon  lights  by  which,  in  all  time, 
her  sons  of  freedom  may  discern  the  path  to  honor  and 
renown. 

Had  I  the  time,  and  you  the  patience,  it  would  delight 
me  to  refer  to  many  incidents  of  battle  in  which  Alaba- 
ma's sons  have  gained  a  "deathless  name."  Nor  yet 
would  I  stop  with  recounting  the  deeds  of  Alabama's 
sons!  Her  daughters  are  the  diamonds  which  sparkle  in 
her  coronet  of  glory  !  Woman's  voice  whispered  courage 
when  the  first  blow  for  freedom  was  struck !  Woman's 
hands  made  the  clothes  the  soldier  wears!  Woman  made 
the  banners  under  which  the  soldiers  rush  to  the  charge! 
Woman's  smiles  encourage  the  timid,  her  frowns  send 
back  the  skulker  to  duty!  and  her  fortitude  gives  new 
strength  and  assurance  to  the  despondent. 

Go  to  the  fireside,  and  there  is  heard  the  mother's 
prayer  for  husband,  son  and  country  !  Go  to  the  houses 
made  desolate  by  the  horrors  of  war,  and  there  is  heard  the 
sympathetic  sigh  of  woman  !  Go  to  the  hospitals,  where 
our  sons  and  brothers,  with  mangled  limbs  and  bleeding 


19 

hearts  in  confusion  lie,  and  there  woman  binds  up  the 
broken  limbs  and  soothes  the  bleeding  hearts.  Go  to 
the  cou^ch  of  the  dying  soldier  boy,  far  from  home  and 
friends,  and  there  woman's  hands  wipe  the  death  damp 
from  his  noble  brow,  and  her  tears  soften  the  sod  over 
his  humble  grave.  Woman  has  been,  and  is,  the  inspiring 
angel,  whose  influence  nerves  the  arm  aiid  swells  the 
heart  of  the  soldier  in  the  camp,  on  the  march,  on  the 
battle  field  in  the  death  struggle  for  liberty.  Woman 
has  recorded  her  name  on  the  brightest  page  in  our  annals 
of  Freedom. 

But,  gentlemen,  we  have  grave  duties  yet  to  perform 
before  our  independence  is  safe.  Large  numbers  of  our 
soldiers  have  gone  from  home,  carrying  their  lives  ia 
their  hands,  to  fight  our  battles,  and  have  left  their  wives 
and  little  ones  without  the  means  of  comfort — ^yea,  many 
without  the  means  of  subsistence.  There  are  many  wo- 
men and  children  made  widows  and  orphans  by  this  war 
equally  comfortless,  equally  unprovided  for.  Now  what 
is  our  duty  to  these?  It  is  obviously  to  fed,  to  clothe,  to 
comfort,  to  protect,  to  care  for  those,  the  loved  ones  of 
our  brave  soldiers,  thus  become  the  children  of  the  R9- 
public.  Whilst  all  the  people  of  Alabama  have  their 
lives  and  their  liberties  staked  on  the  result  of  this  war, 
and  large  numbers  have  property  to  be  saved  and  pro- 
tected, many  of  our  soldiers  now  in  the  field  have  nothing 
but  their  lives,  their  wives  and  children,  and  their  liber- 
ties. Those  of  our  people  who  have  property  to  be  saved 
and  protected,  are  under  a  double  obligation  to  feed, 
clothe  and  protect  the  wives  and  children  of  the  brave 
men  who  form,  with  their  bodies,  breastworks  against 
Yankee  invasion  and  outrage.  The  people  of  South  and 
Middle  Alabama,  the  seat  of  wealth  and  plenty,  cannot 
discharge  their  whole  duty  unless  they,  out  ot  their  abun- 
dance, provide  for  the  families  left  destitute  in  other  por- 
tions of  the  State.  Let  the  soldier  know,  whilst  he  is 
gone,  that  his  loved  ones  at  home  are  cared  for,  and  this 


20 

very  knowledge  gives  renewed  strength  to  his  arm,  fills 
his  heart  anew  with  the  fires  and  patriotism.  I  trust  that 
liberal  and  just  hearts  need,  on  this  subject,  but  a  sugges- 
tion. But,  gentlemen  legislators,  j-ou  will  not  discharge 
your  duty  unless  you  provide  for  the  wants  of  these  wives 
and  children.  Tax  heavily  if  need  be — tax  liberally  the 
property  of  the  citizens  of  the  State,  so  that  their  wants 
may  surely  be  supplied,  and  thus  show  to  the  brave  de- 
fenders of  our  soil  that  their  services  are  appreciated  by 
grateful  hearts  at  home.  Let  us  in  private  and  in  public 
stations  come  up  to  the  full  measure  of  our  duty.  We 
have  fallen  short  of  our  duty.  I  fear,  I  know  we  have 
been  too  much  absorbed  with  a  greedy  lust  for  money 
making.  The  glittering  treasures,  which  filthy  lucre 
hoards,  have  been  gathered,  too  often,  from  the  tears  and 
sighs  of  widows  and  orphans,  wives  and  children  of  sol- 
diers, who,  amidst  the  thunders  of  battle,  have  poured 
out  their  life  blood.  God  will  never  prosper  riches  so  ac- 
quired, nor  favor  any  people  so  forgetful  of  the  duties  of 
humanity  and  true  patriotism. 

Our  Confederate  currency  must  be  upheld.  Every 
dollar's  worth  of  property  in  the  Confederate  States  is 
pledged  for  its  redemption.  In  can  only  become  worth- 
less by  our  subjugation,  by  our  failure  to  achieve  our 
ndependence.  If  we  are  ever  conquered,  we  shall  con- 
quer ourselves  by  failure  to  discharge  our  duty.  If  we 
fail,  then  nothing  we  can  call  our  own  will  be  worth  a 
dollar  to  us.  It  is  the  currency  which  our  soldiers  receive 
for  their  services.  If  it  is  good  enough  for  them,  it  is 
surely  good  enough  for  any  property  we  havBi  Let  it  be 
sustained  at  all  hazards.  The  credit  of  the  Confederate 
States  is  the  lifeblood  of  Southern  liberty. 

The  Legislature  of  Alabama  and  of  the  several  States 
ought  to  aid  in  sustaining  the  credit  of  Confederate 
promises.  Our  Senators  and  Representative  in  Congress 
ought  to  feel  and  know  that  a  people  who  have  shown  no 
unwillingness  to  give  up  their  children  as  sacrifices  on 


'21 

the  altars  of  Southern  freedom,  are  ready  to  devote  their 
property  to  tlie  establishment  of  their  iudependance. 

We  should  cultivate  a  better  spirit  of  harmony  amongst 
ourselves.  We  are  all  engaged  in  a  common  cause. 
Whatever  is  the  interest  of  any  good  man,  is  the  interest 
of  the  whole  State.  One  fate  awaits  us  all.  We  must 
resolve  to  die  in  one  common  grave  or  live  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  a  common  liberty.  The  fires  of  past  party  must 
be  extinguished.  The  baptism  of  blood  througli  which 
our  people  have  passed,  in  defense  of  a  common  cause 
and  country,  ought  to  have  washed  out  all  the  defilements 
of  prejudice,  renewed  in  us  right  spirits  and  fitted  us  for 
a  nobler  career  of  future  prosperity  and  happiness.  Let 
us  learn  to  regard  every  man  who  sustains  our  cause  with 
hi^  blood  or  treasure  as  a  friend  and  brother,  whatever 
may  have  been  his  former  opinions.  And  let  us  hence- 
forth, and  until  this  contest  ends  in  our  complete  inde- 
pendence, have  but  one  parti/ — and  let  that  be,  heart  and 
soul,  for  the  Southern  cause  ! 

Let  us  give  to  our  noble  President,  and  those  associated 
with  him  in  power,  a  generous  confidence  and  support. 
That  he  has  committed  errors  is  simply  to  say  that  he  is 
a  man  !  No  man,  in  his  trying  position,  could  have  shown 
more  energy,  more  ability,  more  patriotic  fervor,  more 
regard  for  the  rights  of  the  people. and  of  the  States. 

But  whilst  I  advise  a  generous  confidence  in  our  public 
authorities,  I  would  ndt  have  the  people  forget  that  "Vigi- 
lance is  the  price  and  preserver  of  liberty."  In  times  of 
war  the  tendency  of  authority,  civil  and  military,  is  to 
assumeunwarrantedpowcr,  under  the  plausible  plea  of  pub- 
lic necessity.  Let  us  never  forget  that  our  Constitution 
was  made  for  war  and  peace,  and  that  we  have  for  its  con- 
struction but  one  set  of  rules  which  shall  govern  in  war 
as  well  as  in  peace.  And  let  the  cardinal  rule  be,  strict 
construction.  Let  us  not  overlook  the  fact  that  tlio  mili- 
tary power,  by  the  Constitution,  is  to  be  always  subordi- 
nate to  the  civil  authority ;  and  let  us  take  care  that  our 


22 

rights  and  liberties  at  home  shall  not  be  sacrificed  whilst 
resisting  the  oppression  and  tyranny  of  the  North. 

Whilst  Alabama  has  not  shown  any  disposition  to 
shrink  from  the  performance  of  her  full  duty  to  the  Con- 
federate States,  still  she  has  not  promptly  responded  to 
the  last  call  made  on  her  by  the  President.  I  know  the 
reason  why  this  delay  has  occurred.  Let  there  be  no 
cause  for  further  delay.  Our  State  has  been  invaded,  and 
every  day  the  enemy's  footseps  pollute  our  soil,  adds  in- 
sult to  injury,  and  ought  to  arouse  higher  and  higher  the 
just  indignation  and  the  energies  of  our  people.  Let  us 
arouse  our  people  in  every  county  of  the  State,  and  let  it 
not  be  said  that  Alabamians  can  sleep  quietly  at  home 
whilst  any  of  our  citizens  have  been  brutall}'^  murdered, 
driven  from  their  firesides,  their  property  pillaged,  or 
ruthlessly,  maliciously  and  wantonly  destroyed. 

If  we  will  promptly  organize  under  the  act  of  Congress 
for  local  defence,  or  under  the  militia  laws  of  the  State, 
thousands  of  troops  now  engaged  in  catching  skulkers 
and.  deserters,  can  be  sent  to  the  armies  to  which  they 
belong,  and  the  people  who  have  been  harrassed  and  their 
substance  eaten  by  men  paying  little  regard  to  persons  or 
property,  will  be  free  from  annoyance.  The  skulkers  and 
deserters  can  and  will  be  sent  to  their  duty  by  good  men 
organized  at  home.  The  excesses  and  outrages  commit- 
ted byirreaponsible  bodies  of  men  in  some  portions  of  our 
State  is  a  sore  and  crying  evil,  and  fchey  must  be  stopped. 

The  manner  in  which  the  impressment  law  of  Congress 
has  been  executed  in  manj'^  portions  of  our  State  needs 
your  serious  attention.  Gross  wrong  and,  I  almost  said, 
wanton  injuries,  have  been  perpetrated  by  oflicers  who 
have  no  common  sense,  and  no  regard  for  the  proprieties 
of  life  or  the  rights  of  property.  If  our  laws  do  not  fur- 
nish ample  remedy  for  such  outrages,  provide  the  remedy. 

In  discharging  the  duties  of  the  office  I  am  about  to 
assume,  I  shall  endeavor  to  see  that  the  rights  of  our  cit- 
izens are  protected  from  violence  at  home  as  well  as 


23 

against  the  raids  aud  ravages  of  our  enemy.  I  shall  ex- 
pect, as  I  have  a  right  to  demand,  the  hearty  co-operation 
of  all  in.  the  support  of  every  measure  calculated  to  pro- 
mote the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  people  of  Ala- 
bama, and  the  cause  of  Southern  independence. 

Let  us  never  forget  that  the  Almighty  rules  over  the 
affairg  of  men,  and  that  people  and  Governments  are  His 
handiwork  !  That  His  favor  may  be  continued  towards 
us  as  it  has  been  in  the  past,  let  us  constantly  implore 
His  mercy  by  submitting  ourselves  in  all  things  to  His 
will.  Let  us  humble  ourselves  in  His  sight,  and  show  by 
our  acts  that  we  deserve  His  protecting  care! 


REMARKS    OF   GOV.    JOHN    GILL    SHORTER    ON    DELIVERING    UP 
THE    STATE    SEAL    TO    HIS    SUCCESSOR. 

Governor  Watts  : 

By  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Alabama,  the 
Governor  is  made  the  custodian  of  the  great  seal  of  the 
State.  Upon  my  induction  into  the  executive  office,  two 
years  ago,  I  received  this  seal  from  my  respected  prede- 
cessor. By  the  blessing  of  God,  I  have  been  enabled  to 
preserve  it  inviolate  to  the  present  hour;  and  now,  with 
more  than  a  cheerful  obedience  to  the  expressed  will  of 
the  people,  I  have  the  honor  to  deliver  it  into  your  hands. 
I  do  so  with  an  abiding  confidence  that  it  is  committed 
to  the  custody  of  one  who  is  worthy  to  receive  it,  and 
who  will  devote  all  the  power  and  resources  at  his  com- 
mand, if  need  be,  to  preserve  it  untarnished  and  thus  de- 
liver it  to  his  successor.  It  may  not  be  inappropriate — 
as  it  is  the  promptings  of  my  feelings  on  this  occasion  as 
well  as  my  clear  convictions  of  duty — to  declare  to  you, 
iu  the  presence  of  the  General  Assembly,  that,  in  my 
retirement  from  the  arduous  labors  and  severe  responsi- 
bilities of  the  Executive  office  to  the  more  calm  and 
pleasing  pursuits  of  private  life,  I  shall  not  forget  my 
obligations  to  the  State  and  people  of  Alabama,  nor  to 


24 

you  our  ..honored  Chief  Magistrate.  I  heartily  approve 
and  eudorse  the  admirable  inangand  address  which  you 
have  just  delivered;  and  I  pledge  you  my  cordial  and 
earneut  support  in  every  effort  you  may  make  to  promote 
the  welfare  of  Alabama  and  to  advance  our  glorious  Con- 
federate cause,  upon  the  success  of  which  depends  every- 
thing vre  esteem  dear  on  earth.  And  I  pray  God  that  He 
may  "give  you  grace  and  strength  sufficient  for  every 
hour  of  need." 


RESPONSE    OF   GOVERXOIl   WATTS. 

Governor  Shorter  : 

I  return  you  my  profound  thanks  for  the  kind  expres- 
sions you  have  been  pleased  to  Use  towards  me,  person- 
'd[]y,  and  for  the  approval  of  the  sentiments  I  have  just 
uttered,  and,  also,  for  the  generous  support  you  have  ten- 
dered to  my  administration.  I  can  only  hope  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  affairs  of  State,  to  approximate  the 
expectations  of  partial  friends.  The  times  are  pregnant 
with  historic  events  ;  and  the  responsibilities  of  the  office 
of  Goveriior,  at  this  time,  are  such  as  to  make  the  loftiest 
intellect  and  the  purest  heart  seek  for  aid  and  cordial 
syrapath}'. 

The  honest  purpose  you  have  shown  to  advance  the 
interests  of  Alabama,  the  arduous  labors  3^ou  have  per- 
formed, your  untiring  devotion  to  the  public  welfare,  will 
hereafter  be  properly  appreciated  by  the  people,  and 
their  thanks  cheerfully  rendered  to  you.  In  your  retire- 
ment from  public  life,  in  the  quiet  precincts  of  home,  I 
trust  you  may  enjoy  the  happiness  you  deserve.  I  am 
sure  you. will  not  there  forget  the  duties  you  owe  tojour 
noble  State,  aud  the  great  cause  in  which  we  are  all  en- 
gaged.    My  best  wishes  shall  accompany  you. 

The  seal  of  State  which  you  have  so  well  preserved,  I 
accept,  and  shall  guard  it  with  all  the  energies  I  possess. 
It  is  the  emblem  of  the  power  of  Alabama.  Alabama  is 
my  mother;  whilst  I  have  an  arm  to  raise  in  her  defense, 
and  a  voice  to  speak  in  her  behalf,  her  power  and  glory 
shall  be  maintained,  and  her  great  seal,  if  the  people  will 
sustain  me  with  the  same  hearty  co-operation  manifested 
in  placing  me  here,  under  the  blessing  of  God,  shall  be 
preserved,  untarnished,  for  my  Buccessor. 


Hollinger  Corp. 
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